ROLF WINTER
One
day, a new prisoner was brought to our billet in Block 17A. Rolf Winter stood out among the other
inmates: first, he was a non-Jew, and, moreover, a German; second, as a
concentration camp veteran going back to prewar times, he wore the red triangle
designating a political prisoner incarcerated as a foe of the Third Reich; and
third, he did not go in fear of his life, knowing that. however grave his
offense, he would not be executed: not even the S.S. or Gestapo could
arbitrarily dispose of a German citizen with relatives who were liable to take
an interest in his fate. Any other
punishment he might incur had, over the years, lost its terror for him.
Rolf,
whose serial number was 3236, carne to us from Block 11, the camp's
interrogation and punitive block. The
standard punishment for numerous offenses was confinement to the punitive
block. Up to the spring of 1943, for
Jews that entailed certain death.
The
punitive block was entirely separate from the rest of the camp. In his research treatise on Auschwitz, Erich
Kulka relates that it was initially Block 1 in Camp B1B, and later, Block 11 in
B2D, the main men's camp. The S.S. men
called it the "educational block", but as Kulka notes, "in
effect it was the incarnation of cruelty at its worst." The block was
characterized by so-called "enforced discipline" - a euphemism for
ill-treatment and aimless commands meted out by the most brutal of the camp
inmates. The long-standing Blockalteste
was a prisoner named Franz Bednarek, a Polish 'Volksdeutsche' and a notorious
sadist and killer. As a reward for his
services in the punitive block, the Lagerfuehrer granted Bednarek permission to
grow his hair long. I used to see him in the camp almost daily, and soon
learned to keep out of his way.
Labor
conditions in the punitive block were among the worst in the camp, and the
Kapos employed there some of the most ferocious. They knew that their prospects of release from the block rose in
direct ratio to the number of prisoners they tortured to death, or killed
outright.
Punitive
block inmates bore special insignia - black patches on chest and back. Suspected escapees gained a red circle in
addition. Prisoners fingered by the
Gestapo as being particularly dangerous politically were also tagged A. L. ('am
Lager'- denoting confinement to camp) and were excluded from the labor squads
employed
outside.
When
assigned to work, prisoners of the punitive unit were employed in back-breaking
excavation jobs performed in all weathers.
Winter and summer, they worked in their flimsy prisoners' uniforms, in
wooden clogs without socks, frequently with their feet in water. "The arbitrary decision of the
Blockalteste was the sole factor determining whether they would receive food
rations," Kulka recounts in his research.
Punitive
block inmates slept on bare boards, without a mattress. They were required to hand their blankets to
the Blockalteste, after folding them neatly.
With incessant yelling and beatings going on throughout the night, they
could scarcely get a wink of sleep. It was forbidden to light a stove in the
punitive block; up to 1943, block inmates who fell sick were denied any medical
treatment, including hospitalization.
Incarceration
in the punitive Block 11 was Rolf Winter's punishment for clandestine entry of
Block 10, where women prisoners - Jewish, for the most part - were subjected to
quasi-medical experiments in racial breeding (sterilization, etc.) by
Prof. Clauberg, or some other German
"scientist". It goes without saying that the women's block was
strictly off limits to run-of-the-mill prisoners. Rolf tried his luck - and failed; he was caught and sentenced to
several weeks' confinement in Block 1 1.
Rolf
was tall, and ten years my senior (he was born in Berlin on August 25, 1914),
but age differences were of no significance among prisoners, and within a few
days we were on friendly terms.
Rolf
was appointed Kapo of a Kommando assigned the task of street-cleaning in the
town of Auschwitz. The street-cleaning
Kommando was considered a relatively good detail: mingling with the civilian
population, its personnel found numerous opportunities to make connections and
"organize" commodity deals.
Every prisoner was required to work at some task, and each Kapo was free
to choose prisoners for assignment to his squad; accordingly, I put the
question directly to Rolf: "Would you assign me to your Kommando'?"
Noting his hesitation, I hastened to whisper: "l have dollars. I'm willing to pay."
We
tied up the deal: I gave Rolf 50 dollars from the hoard in my shoes, and he
assigned me to his squad. None of my
Pruzhany townsfolk belonged to the street-cleaning Kommando, but that did not
bother me as I could meet my acquaintances whenever I got back to the camp from
my work in the town.
A
number of Pruzhany men hitherto confined to the quarantina (subsequently the "gypsy camp", designated
B2E) were transferred to the men's camp (2D) upon its completion; as
long-standing inmates, they were attached to the camp staff. In our encounters, we found a common
language permitting us to speak with a freedom greater than we sensed in
exchanges with strangers. Most of the
men from Pruzhany had, like me, been transferred to the Auschwltz camp, a
majority being billeted in Block 17A.
In consequence, I did not feel utterly alone. As for the street-cleaning Kommando, my mind was set on
"organizing" more than on socializing.
Like
all the other labor squads, the street-cleaning Kommando marched out of the
camp each morning to the strains of the Auschwitz camp orchestra, which
accompanied our departure for work, and our return, with vigorously uplifting
tunes. The musicians included
engineer-cum-violinist Jacques Stroma and his sister, likewise a violinist;
they carne from the Sephardim Jewish community of Salonika in Greece. Jacques survived, but his sister perished at
the hands of the Nazis, as did 85% of Greek Jews. The Auschwitz archives include names of numerous Sephardim and
North African Jews; the fate decreed by the Nazis transcended the Ashkenazi
communities of Europe to embrace the entire Jewish people, including
Ladino-speakers and Jews resident in the Islamic countries.
As a
rule, our working day spanned eleven hours, from six in the morning till five
in the afternoon, with a half hour break at noon.
As we
passed through the camp gates, armed S.S. men would join the Kommando to make
sure no one escaped or made illicit contacts outside the camp. This escort was not particularly significant
in relation to the street-cleaning Kommando because, on arrival in the town of
Auschwitz, we would disperse to undertake our assigned jobs. We were thus able to forge
"commercial" links with the townspeople, without too much concern for
the watchful eyes of the S.S. men.
The
Germans had evicted most of the town's Polish populace, who were supplanted by
'Volksdeutsche' (Poles of German extraction) and other Germans posted to
Auschwitz, principally as supervisors and experts in various spheres. Growing accustomed to our presence, they
would approach us with sundry offers: "lf you bring me a diamond (or gold,
or some other valuable item) I'll give you food." Food was the chief
currency in dealings with camp inmates.
I
found no difficulty in fulfilling the orders of my "customers": I had
friends in various labor squads, including "Canada".
"CANADA"
IN AUSCHWITZ
"Canada"
was the appellation of the labor squad assigned to handle the belongings of
persons brought to the Birkenau gas chambers; these belongings were gathered up
at the rail station and loaded on trucks.
As Erich Kulka points out in his treatise, the Kommando consisted
exclusively of Jews (men and women) working under the supervision of German
prisoners. On its inception in the
summer of 1942, the squad was billeted in Auschwitz 1, operating with shifts of
100 prisoners by day and 50 by night.
In January, "Canada" was transferred to Birkenau's Block
16. Transports now being larger and
more frequent, the day shift was expanded to 400 men and 200 women, while the
night shift included 150 men and 200 women.
In the summer of 1943, the store for belongings taken from the
transports was transferred from Auschwitz 1 to Birkenau.
A
special detail of "Canada" was put to work unraveling clothing and
shoes, and checking tubes and jars with their assortments of creams and
perfumes, in search of valuables (gold, diamonds, foreign currency, etc.)
cached by the intended victims before their departure for Auschwitz. The "Canada" commando was under
the supervision of S.S. men who, according to Kulka, habitually got drunk on
liquor supplied by the prisoners. Once
the Germans were tipsy, items could be ,,organized" under their very
noses.
Despite
the strict supervision, there were always ways of smuggling valuables to be
bartered with other prisoners for food or other benefits.
The
large numbers of prisoners employed in "Canada", the store's
proximity to our camp, and the "Canada" block's accessibility to
other prisoners - all these factors in combination enabled skilled veterans to
"organize" valuables for deals within the camp and on the
outside. Kulka's treatise depicts the
"Canada" block as a bazaar with a broad assortment of merchandise on
display. Searches conducted by the S.S.
did not hinder the master smugglers in spiriting their contraband from the
"Canada" block into the camp area, and on to the outside. Everyone benefited from the deals: the Kapo
who turned a blind eye (rarely short of food, he got his cut in the form of
liquor or valuables); the prisoner from the "Canada" Kommando who
palmed the item to be sneaked to an interested purchaser; and the recipient of
the merchandise, who exchanged it for some other asset - whether food, better
clothing, or assignment to a better and more profitable job, etc.
Being
a seasoned inmate and master "organizer", Rolf Winter was abetted by
prisoners under his supervision among them myself. He, accordingly, had an interest in our welfare and safety.
Shortly
after I started my street-cleaning assignment in Auschwitz, Rolf decided to
take me off work in the town and put me in charge of the Kommando's tool hut,
situated in the large work area around the camp where factories and S.S. camps
were under construction. Before heading
into town each morning, the workers came to the hut to collect their tools -
brooms, rakes, wheelbarrows and cans - returning them in the evening.
THE
HUT AT "PALITZSCH SQUARE"
The
hut of the street-cleaning Kommando was located at the so-called
"Palitzsch Square" or "Palitzsch Construction Site"
('Sandgrube Haus Palitzsch'), which was named for Gerhard Palitzsch, one of the
most venal of the Germans supervising the camp.
Gerhard
Palitzsch was the executioner of Block 11, the Gestapo interrogation
center. A Saxonian, he was a veteran
Nazi - as early as 1933, the party had posted him to the Sachsenhausen
concentration camp. Reaching Auschwitz
during the camp's construction, he had already accumulated rich experience from
various concentration camps. As
Rapportfuebrer, he picked out a team of aides composed of 30 criminal
offenders. Auschwitz commandant Rudolf
Hoess wrote that Palitzsch was "diligent" in keeping the prisoners
"under control". Hoess
testified further that Palitzsch was "without equal". He was "always alert, and he could be
found everywhere, and he could be entrusted with the most arduous
assignments. "
Palitzsch
controlled the prisoners by getting them to inform on one another. In "Death Factory: Auschwitz",
Erich Kulka recorded that:
among
the S.S. men, none were as fanatical or devoted as Palitzsch. He would move about the camps, everywhere
establishing a dense network of informers and spies among the prisoners. His knowledge of what went on in the camps
was better and more reliable than that available to the camp commander. By means of his regimen of espionage, he
succeeded in controlling the Kapos and Blockaltesten, and showed his skills in
fomenting intrigues and squabbles among them, so as to exploit them for his own
benefit.
Palitzsch
attended every execution conducted in the camp, and specialized in dispatching
his victims by means of a shot in the nape of the neck. Hoess, who claimed to have kept a close eye
on Palitzsch, reported that he had "never noticed the slightest sign of
emotion" in him. "With
equanimity and moderation, with expressionless features, he carried out his
terrifying task."
On
being assigned to serve in the gas chambers, Palitzsch displayed not the
slightest iota of sadism. His
expression was invariably stolid and impassive. "He was capable of killing incessantly, without giving the
matter a second thought," Hoess noted.
Of all those in close contact with the extermination process, Palitzsch
was the only one who never uttered a word of complaint to the camp commandant.
Palitzsch
was the chief executioner at Auschwitz.
He killed Soviet war prisoners by shooting them in the neck, and
habitually shot children. "He
killed hundreds of victims, without it leaving any external impact upon him, or
any signs of weariness," Kulka testified.
In
1942, Palitzsch's wife died; her demise appears to have freed his warped mind
of any lingering inhibitions. When I
got to Auschwltz, Palitzsch was utterly unbridled. He "went on ferocious rampages, ill-treating the inmates
with inhuman cruelty," Hoess noted.
On
arriving at Blrkenau, I found the prisoners in fear and dread of
Palitzsch. A short time before, the
camp had witnessed an exceptionally atrocious event. The Slovakian Jews of the first Sonderkommando were ordered to
disinter and burn moldering corpses from a mass grave. The corpses were of victims earlier put to
death in the primitive gas chambers. In
their desperation, the men of the Sonderkommando resolved to escape. Their plan carne to light, and, on January
12, 1943, they were ordered to leave Birkenau and march to Auschwitz 1. On
arrival, they were all shot and their corpses burned. Sonderkommando men too sick for the march, as well as
Sonderkommando block service staff, were shot by Raportfuehrer Palitzsch in
person, in the yard of the Birkenau block.
Erich Kulka, who was employed as a blacksmith, recounts that he was an
eyewitness to the killing of prisoners by Palitzsch, who carried out death
verdicts issued by the camp Gestapo.
"He would murder the groups of condemned men with great
'professionalism': the victims, political prisoners for the most part, would
line up by the wall in groups of five, and Palitzsch would shoot them."
lt was
Palitzsch who examined the results of the first test killings by means of
Zyklon B, in the basement of Block 11 at Auschwitz 1. When he opened the doors
to discover numerous prisoners still showing signs of life, the experiment was
repeated. Later, Palitzsch would escort
prisoners as they were led to the gas chambers, keeping them distracted with
small talk, inquiring about their professions and the welfare of their families
"all for the purpose of deceiving them and forestalling any
suspicion," in the words of one testimony. When the incoming transports arrived, persons exhibiting unease
or spreading panic were immediately singled out and surreptitiously taken to
the rear of the building, where the Germans shot them with small-bore weapons
which scarcely emit any sound.
Palitzsch
sent his subordinates to carry out unlawful seizures of money and various
valuables from Auschwitz inmates. As
Hoess testified: "He was choosy, keeping only the most select and
expensive." Kulka relates that Palitzsch traded extensively in gold. To this end, he resorted to Kapos and block
supervisors. Kapos frequently murdered
inmates in whose mouths they had glimpsed gold teeth. Anyone who knew too much about Palitzsch's dealings, or refused
to continue abetting him, fell victim to a "fatal accident" at work,
or succumbed to "spotted typhus".
One day, one of Palitzsch's underlings, a prisoner by the name of Mayer,
threatened to tell the camp commandant everything he knew about Palitzsch's
dealings in gold and diamonds, unless the executioner aided him to escape. Abetted by two junior officers of the camp
staff, Palitzsch organized Mayer's getaway bid. To their misfortune, Mayer was caught and interrogated,
delivering testimony highly prejudicial to Palitzsch. In themselves, however, these antics did not bring about Palitzsch's
downfall. According to Hoess, he was an
"uninhibited" drunkard, and was constantly involved in affairs with
women. "Innumerable" women
visited his apartment, Hoess revealed.
However, as these were, for the most part, women supervisors and thus
"racially pure", his dallying did not anger his superiors. But when they learned of his relations with
a gypsy woman and a Jewess, their fury descended upon him. For the heinous offense of self-defilement
by relations with subhuman beings, Palitzsch was posted to the Hungarian
battlefront, where he was killed in combat.